طی یک عملیات جالب از زندان آمریکایی‌ها گریختم/ پرچم مبارزه با «الحشد الشعبی» در دست سفارت آمریکاست

Commander of Iraq’s al-Nujaba Movement:

I escaped from an American prison during an interesting operation | The flag of the fight against the Popular Mobilization Forces is in the hands of the US embassy

 

The number of forces in the al-Nujaba Movement includes cadres, Basij forces, the Ammar ibn Yasir Brigade, which is fighting in Syria, and two brigades that are members of the Popular Mobilization Forces in Iraq, bringing the total to 15,000 warriors.

 

Jihad and Resistance Department at Mashregh News – Hujjat al-Islam Akram al-Kaabi represents a full generation of Iraqi fighters, the same generation who linked the struggle against Saddam to the struggle against the American occupiers and are still at the forefront of the struggle [against the Takfiris] today to create a new history for the region (from Iraq to Syria and Palestine) – a history that the Arab media (and especially the media of the Persian Gulf countries) are trying to hide. The same media outlets that tried to present the post-occupation Iraq’s conflict according to the “al-Zarqawi version” and pretend that the conflict in Iraq is a sectarian conflict between Shi’ahs and Sunnis and that the war with the occupying Americans does not include all Iraqis (and by highlighting the operations of the Takfiri forces against the occupiers, they downplay the huge role of the Shi’ah Islamic Resistance groups).

It was in this context that these media outlets ignored the activities of a large number of Iraqi Islamic Resistance groups and even attributed the operations of some of them to other groups and in this regard, they prepared the ground for wars that are still raging in our region.

The first step [to put out this fire] is to correct history and provide a true account of what happened over the years and to identify figures whom the Arab media does not want to highlight, but [their resistance] has left an unforgettable wound in the memory of the occupying Americans. Individuals who participated in the liberation of Iraq with all their might and ability and sacrificed everything to achieve this goal.

 

The heroes of our narration are Hujjat al-Islam Akram al-Kaabi (the commander of Iraq’s al-Nujaba Movement). His comrades and partners are also prominent jihadi figures.

 

People like Martyr Ibrahim Mahdi Hamad (Wala), who was one of the most important instructors and trainers of the al-Nujaba Movement and was martyred in Palmyra, Syria, on Laylat al-Qadr this year, or the martyred commander of Hezbollah, Muhammad Isa (Abu Isa al-Iqlim) was the same intellectual soldier of the Islamic Resistance and one of the heroes of the 33-Day War who was the military adviser of the al-Nujaba Movement and joined the convoy of martyrs in Qunaytrah or the martyr Ibrahim Musulmani (Abis) who was the commander of the al-Nujaba Axis in Aleppo and was martyred there.

To talk about this history, and this personal legacy and memories and the battle that is going on throughout the Arab world today, Ali Yahya (a correspondent of the Lebanese newspaper al-Akhbar) went to Hujjat al-Islam al-Kaabi and had a detailed conversation with him. [Of course, it should be noted that this interview took place before the liberation of al-Ramadi.]

Hujjat al-Islam al-Kaabi was born in 1977. Later, he studied religious sciences under the supervision of the martyr Ayatollah Sayyid Muhammad-Baqir al-Sadr. He completed the preliminaries and levels and studied dars al-kharij (post-graduate classes) in the Islamic Seminary of ​​Najaf. At the same time, became the congregation prayer leader of the city of al-Musayyib on the banks of the Euphrates, south of Baghdad. During Saddam’s time [because of his struggle against him] he was constantly transferred from this “special prison” to that “special prison.” After the American invasion, he joined the Islamic Resistance against the occupiers.

During the Second Najaf War in 2004, he held high-ranking positions in the Mahdi Army. In addition to resistance activities, he attended military training and strategic management, and then played a role in founding the Asaib Ahl al-Haqq Islamic Resistance Group and was even elected secretary-general of Asaib Ahl al-Haqq when his comrade and friend Hujjat al-Islam Qays al-Khaz’ali was arrested. [After the humiliating expulsion of the occupiers], Hujjat al-Islam al-Kaabi returned to the seminary and continued his religious education until the beginning of the events in Syria in 2011 but this year he became one of the main commanders of the newly formed group Harakat Hezbollah al-Nujaba, was one of the first forces of the Islamic Resistance present in Syria on the fronts of Aleppo and other cities.

 

The following is the translation of al-Akhbar’s interview with Hujjat al-Islam Akram al-Kaabi:

 

Question: How did your jihadi activities against the occupiers of Iraq begin and what was the beginning like? Why were you arrested by the Americans in 2003? Did you not have a problem attracting Iraqi youth to the war against the occupiers? Especially since there was no general fatwa on jihad at that time and many people in the Islamic Resistance wanted to try peaceful means.

 

Hujjat al-Islam al-Kaabi: In the Name of God, the Most Beneficent, the Most Merciful and salutations and peace be upon Muhammad and his family. From the very beginning of the arrival of the American occupiers in Iraq, some of the warriors (who until then had been fighting Saddam’s repressive regime) decided to engage in military resistance against the occupiers. At that time, we [the Islamic Resistance groups], as jihadi groups, had strong ties with each other and cooperation and coordination.

Our group’s first operation was to target nine British troops in Basrah. Our operations continued for several months until American forces arrested me in Karbala. I was in prison for six months until the first Najaf anti-American intifada [uprising] (in the spring of 2004). At that time, the brothers who were on the line of jihad made a very interesting plan to get me out of prison. The escape was organized by an Iraqi officer who worked with the Americans [but secretly collaborated with the Islamic Resistance forces].

The officer changed my number (the number by which the difference between military and civilian prisoners in Abu Ghurayb was determined). There was a number on each prisoner’s arm because they did not interact with us through our names [but communicated with us through the same numbers].

If a prisoner was imprisoned by a military court, he had a six-digit number, and if he was a civilian, he had a four-digit number. My number was 152150. After this six-digit number was changed to four digits [by the same officer], work was arranged to get me out of Abu Ghurayb. What helped us in this work was the confusion and disarray of the management of the occupiers in the administration of the detention camps, which kept the prisoners in those camps during their first year in Iraq. There are many details about my escape from prison but due to the secrecy of the operation and the protection of the health of the brothers who took part in it, I cannot mention them.

After my release, we went to a safe place, and a few days later, the operation to release me was revealed and the signs with my picture on them were spread in many streets (as a person wanted by the occupying coalition forces).

After getting out of prison, I went to Najaf. During the Second Battle of Najaf (2004), I was in charge of the forces in Najaf. The battle lasted 28 days and the [occupying] coalition forces could not make any progress against our forces, so they were forced to open negotiations through intermediaries. [During the talks] we stipulated that in exchange for their forces not entering the old part of Najaf, we are also ready to leave there and hand over this part of the city to the Iraqi forces. They also complied with our conditions and the agreement was implemented.

After the end of the second battle of Najaf, we decided to continue the war according to the guerrilla method. In this regard, we formed units that at that time were called “special units.” These special [guerrilla] units started working with the advice and support of our brothers. Later, it was from these units that groups in the Iraqi Islamic Resistance were formed with new names (Asaib Ahl al-Haqq and Kata’ib Hezbollah in Iraq) and resistance activities continued until the occupiers left Iraq completely.

Regarding the recruitment of the youth, I must say that there was no difficulty because the work relied on cadres and elite forces with a history of jihadi activity during Saddam, especially since the method of resistance work was not based on quantity but rather on quality and these forces were qualitative and they did what was expected of them with complete mastery and success.

 

Question: There is a consensus that everyone considers you a part or branch of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC). Is this true? And basically, what is the nature of your relationship with Iran?

 

Naturally, the brothers of the IRGC have an important and fundamental role. Even if this consensus is really based on reality, it is an honour and a source of honour for us to be part of this force. A force that has resisted the arrogant powers by supporting the Islamic Resistance groups in Palestine, Lebanon, Syria and Iraq and has humiliated those arrogant people and today the strongest force to fight terrorism in the whole region is the IRGC. The Islamic Republic, with its brilliant face and wise leadership of the Islamic world, is considered the depth of Islam for us. Our relationship with them is strong and continuous.

 

Question: Many speak of Imad Mughniyeh’s footsteps in the anti-American war [in Iraq], but this has always been said in general terms, in contrast to his role in the Palestinian Islamic Resistance, which is described in more detail. Tell us, what exactly was the role of Imad Mughniyeh in the anti-American war in Iraq? And was it an operation he planned himself? And have you had the experience of working with him?

Martyr Haj Emad Mughniyeh played an important role in Iraq. Although he was not personally present in Iraq for security reasons, he oversaw the growing experience and power of the Islamic Resistance groups.

It reviewed large and important operations and, as a final point before approving those operations, presented its own innovative tips and methods. Martyr Mughniyeh also presented us with plans and ideas, which we used a lot in the case of the British hostages (in 2007) and the exchange process that took place after that, during which a large number of Islamic Resistance forces and leaders were released.

 

Pilgrimage to the tomb of Martyr Mughniyeh

 

I would like to mention here that I was successful in this and I was honoured to be trained under his direct supervision in my first military training course. After that, I met with him and the secretary-general of Hezbollah, Sayyid Hasan Nasrallah, again during the occupation of Iraq. Of course, at that time, due to security conditions, it was not possible to cover these meetings. One of our [recent] meetings was just the day after Hezbollah launched an operation in response to the martyrdom of the martyrs of Qunaytrah.

We were also honoured to play a role because one of the martyrs of Hezbollah in Qunaytrah was the martyr Abu Isa al-Iqlim, who was considered the military adviser of the al-Nujaba Movement during the operation to liberate the Baghdad Belt and the al-Nujaba Movement played a significant role in its liberation in its operational areas.

 

Question: What were the training courses that Haj Ridhwan himself was responsible for and supervised?

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There were a series of command courses in which commanders participated and some of those commanders are well-known figures on the Iraqi battlefield today. These courses were a total of three training courses, the first of which was held in Lebanon under the supervision and nobility of Haj Ridhwan.

 

Question: Recently, efforts are underway to revive military manufacturing industries in Basrah (specifically in the al-Taji region and elsewhere) using the remnants of the war. Do you pay attention to this issue? Do you think that you, as Popular Mobilization Forces, can put pressure on the Iraqi government to prepare and implement a plan for a national military industry?

Reconstruction of the military industry is an important issue. What is happening in Basrah today is a step in the right direction. As Islamic Resistance groups, we now have our own workshops after the brothers trained our forces. Everything that is being built or upgraded today, from conventional weapons to missiles and mines and reconnaissance aircraft (including reconnaissance aircraft assembled in Iraq and so on), plays a key role in the fighting. At the same time, the Iranian brothers are assisting the Iraqi government in rebuilding and streamlining our industries.

 

Question: Is it true that the American embassy in Iraq is opposed to upgrading and strengthening the weapons of the Popular Mobilization Forces? Do you have a practical example in this regard?

Today, the flag of the fight against Popular Mobilization Forces is in the hands of the American embassy, ​​not only in the field of weapons manufacturing, but in all fields. What you referred to as the remnants of the war in the al-Taji area was in fact, a series of effective weapons of the Iraqi army that the American occupiers collected and destroyed (in a place called al-Taji Cemetery) shortly after the end of the war [in 2003] and the dissolution of the Iraqi army. Today, the brothers, members of the military-industrial workshops in Basrah, go to al-Taji Cemetery and search through the war waste to find something [a weapon or parts] that has survived the destruction so that they can remove and use it on the fronts after repairing it. 

 

Question: Are there rumours that you have implicitly coordinated with American advisers in several places? Is this news true? And basically, what is your position on the United States’ involvement in the fight against Daesh?

This news is not true because the Americans and Daesh are two sides of the same coin. We reject any cooperation or joint action with them because they have caused nothing but destruction to our Iraq.

 

Question: How do you interact with Iraqi minorities to fight Daesh? (Especially since you are classified as a Shi’ah organization) Is there denominational or ethnic diversity in your ranks and do you have an example in this regard?

As you said, the al-Nujaba Movement is a Shi’ah Islamic organization, and of course, this does not contradict the denominational ‎ diversity within the al-Nujaba Movement, because we believe in the necessity of defending minorities, and this issue also has historical roots and its first roots go back to the order of Imam Ali who, when he appointed Malik al-Ashtar as the governor of Egypt, (which had religious and cultural diversity), said: “People are of two types. Either your brother in faith or your equal in humanity.”

According to this school and culture, we have both the epic spirit of jihad and will and stability and zeal and the spirit of love and kindness and tolerance with various religions and denominations. As an example of religious diversity in the ranks of the al-Nujaba Movement, I can mention the al-Nujaba group of Tikrit, the majority of whose members are our Sunni brothers, as well as the Mosul Liberation Group and the al-Anbar Army.

 

Question: Will you take any steps in the future to stop the Americans’ plans to marginalize the role of the Popular Mobilization Forces and to twist the course of the battles by them, or will the issue remain a verbal threat on your part? (Especially after the JCPOA nuclear deal).

First, I will answer the second part of the question and emphasize that the nuclear deal will not have the slightest effect on Iran’s decision to support the Islamic Resistance (from Palestine and Lebanon to Iraq and Syria). It is as if, Imam Khamenei, the Wali al-Amr al-Muslimin [the guardian of the affairs of the Muslims], the Supreme Leader, has clarified this issue. In addition, our brothers in the Islamic Republic offer their help, advice, experiences and pure blood for a doctrinal source.

But on the subject of American interventions, I must say that these interventions are not just to marginalize the role of Popular Mobilization Forces (as you mentioned in the question), but rather to fight Popular Mobilization Forces because the Americans know that the spirit of the Popular Mobilization Forces and its power comes from the Islamic Resistance groups. That is, the same groups in which we inflicted those misfortunes on the American occupiers and thus suffered casualties during our war with them and yet our position on the arrogance of the Americans is the same.

Another issue is that we believe that terrorism was originally supported by the Americans in the region, now either directly or through their agents in the Persian Gulf countries. If we go back and review today from the day the formation of the international coalition to fight Daesh was announced, we will see that this sinister coalition has been formed to support Daesh. Even most of their flights are illusory.

Let’s say that under the name of arming the tribes [Iraq to fight Daesh], they armed Daesh itself. Earlier, they obstructed our operations in Tikrit, and now they are obstructing in al-Anbar. Therefore, as we have said before, we reiterate that the Iraqi government must take a historic stand against this evil coalition and expel it from Iraq.

 

Question: Your group and Asaib Ahl al-Haqq were among the groups that took to the streets openly and took the lead and direction of the recent demonstrations, and then the al-Hashd al-Madani‎ [a civilian group for peaceful demonstrations] was formed. Did you feel that the people’s excitement might be directed towards opposition to the Popular Mobilization Forces and the Islamists and that is why you did so?

These demonstrations started spontaneously, a nation with the majority of its children on the battlefields, a nation offering everything it had and did not have to defend the sanctities. The reason for the demonstrations was the lack of services and facilities in all sectors. Therefore, the demonstrators’ request was perfectly legitimate and the demonstrators themselves, from the first Friday they took to the streets, called themselves “al-Hashd al-Madani” [madani means civilian]. We stand by these people and participate in this movement alongside them, especially since we suffer from the same shortcomings ourselves, not only in terms of service shortages but also in terms of government support for the fronts.

But what happened was that the evil forces and the American and British embassies, in addition to Saddam’s Ba’athist extremists, tried to ride this wave and divert the course of the demonstrations. We warned about this from the first week, based on the security information we received, and stressed that the United States’ embassy in Iraq had meetings with some media personalities and some “Daesh politicians” [a term for Daesh pavers among Iraqi politicians] and in that meeting, it was discussed that they should make plans and plans to change the course of the demonstrations and attack Islam (through anti-religious slogans and the request of the secular government. It seems that now the Iraqi system is a religious system!)

Therefore, after the religious authorities of Najaf approved the demands of the demonstrators (of which we were one) and the government announced its reform plans, we announced our withdrawal from the demonstrations due to the sensitivity of the situation on the battlefields. The protests are currently being led by the United States and British embassies. Therefore, you saw a large crowd that had entered the scene early in the work, in the last week of the demonstrations in response to the request of the commanders of the Islamic Resistance and the Popular Mobilization Forces refused to take to the streets to sanction these deviant demonstrations and we believe that in this way, we have removed the veil from the faces of the remaining people today and clarified their situation to the people.

Our withdrawal from the demonstrations does not mean that we have given up our demands. We are still closely following the issues and following the path of reforms and providing services to the people and we still believe that the main reason for the destruction of the country and the plundering of its wealth and its survival under the tutelage of arrogant powers of the world (which is not at all benevolent to us) is the “secular system” that rules the country.

 

Question: Given the repeated efforts of the corrupt class and the capitalists and especially the politico-religious elites to protect their interests, how can the social rights of the people be preserved? And what is the solution to end poverty in Iraq?

The first and last decision-makers are the Iraqi people themselves because if the people choose the same classes again and bring back those who looted their wealth, in that case, they are helping those who stole from him to deprive them of their social rights and the situation will remain the same.

The Iraqi people must look for those who served him and worked professionally and sincerely without changing their position or their way of life because all these people have reached their positions with the vote of the nation. Even with great regret, it should be said that the “political Daesh” came to their positions with the votes of the people of the western regions of the country, although the people of those regions themselves, although late, regretted their votes and decided not to represent them anymore because they were the same Daesh politicians who were the cause of the occupation of the western regions of the country by Daesh, and after the incident, it seems as if not! They did not even bother to help the displaced people who have been displaced from the same areas and who are living in a very, very difficult situation and with the extreme negligence of the officials.

When it comes to ending poverty in Iraq, we must not forget that Iraq is a rich country, but its wealth was lost in the wars and today the political mafias are wasting and looting this property, and that is why I repeat my first point. The fate of change is in the hands of the Iraqi people and the next elections.

 

Question: Some talk about the political role of Popular Mobilization Forces in the coming period, even to the extent that Popular Mobilization Forces will take power instead of the current ruling class. what do you think?

When the Iraqi Islamic Resistance groups united to form the Popular Mobilization Forces, their goal was to protect Iraq and fight terrorism. This motivation also came from our religious, moral and national duty and we had absolutely no motivation or desire to gain interests or reach political positions. We are also proud that we were able to achieve our goals with sincerity. Military work is one thing and political work is another, which have their own preparations. We in the al-Nujaba Movement have decided not to get involved in politics at this stage, especially since the government in Iraq is governed by a political system that is very, very far from our beliefs and aspirations. 

 

Question: Your movement recently announced that it is recruiting troops for the war in Syria. Does this mean the beginning of a new phase? Especially since we remember that you were the only group that returned most of your forces from the Syrian front to the Iraq front after the fall of Mosul.

Yes, that is correct. The announcement came as it was decided to start a new phase in the liberation operation. Therefore, we had to increase the number of our forces, which is why we announced that the warriors who are willing to come will be sent to training camps and prepare to participate in the Syrian front.

 

Question: You have one combat brigade in Syria and two combat brigades in Iraq. What is the number of troops and what are the total official statistics of your forces in Popular Mobilization Forces?

According to the context in which we operate, each brigade consists of four thousand fighters, but the flexibility we have in our method causes these numbers to sometimes change, which is related to the needs of each battle and its quality and the need or no need for a specific axis for a certain number of forces. Therefore, our three brigades are our official cadres and the special forces that are fully in the service of jihadi work and have no other activity, and like the Basij forces, which we rely upon to achieve the required number of forces in the circumstances that arise.

 Another issue is that we have not counted the cadres of the movement who manage the forces and brigades, in addition to those in Syria, in the calculated number of members of the al-Nujaba Movement in the Popular Mobilization Forces. The number of troops in the al-Nujaba Movement in the Popular Mobilization Forces is calculated at 4,700 individuals, two hundred of whom, considering they were from Tikrit, became the Tikrit Brigade after the liberation of the city.

Today, we can say that the total number of al-Nujaba Movement forces, including cadres, Basij forces, the Ammar ibn Yasir Brigade, which is fighting in Syria, and two brigades affiliated with the al-Nujaba Movement, which are members of Popular Mobilization Forces in Iraq, totals about 15,000 warriors.

 

Question: What are the essential differences between the Syrian and Iraqi fronts? And what are the most important threats on each of these two fronts?

There is no essential difference between these two fronts, except in terms of geography and land characteristics. The reason these two fronts are not fundamentally different from each other is this: the one who stands behind these [terrorist] gangs and supports them is the same on both fronts. That is, the arrogant powers of the world, which today manifests themselves in the form of an American-Zionist-British axis and their extremists (i.e., some Arabs and some Turks).

 

Question: In addition to the circumstances of your war in Syria, do you think it is possible to propose a kind of high-level coordination in the fields of security, economy, culture and foreign policy between Iraq and Syria? And what are the current obstacles to such a plan?

We believe that the war in Syria and Iraq is one and that it is wrong to assume or separate this war. Now, every victory in Syria is a victory for Iraq, and vice-versa. Therefore, we hope that the governments of Iraq and Syria will understand this and unite their efforts not just at the military level but in everything else.